“I confess I do not believe in time. I like to fold my magic carpet, after use, in such a way as to superimpose one part of the pattern upon another. Let visitors trip. And the highest enjoyment of timelessness―in a landscape selected at random―is when I stand among rare butterflies and their food plants.- nabokov
Showing posts with label mein kamph. Show all posts
Showing posts with label mein kamph. Show all posts
Wednesday, March 4, 2020
Politics is history in the making from Zweites Buch
WAR AND PEACE
Politics is history in the making. History itself is the presentation of the course of a Folk's struggle for existence.
I deliberately use the phrase struggle for existence here because, in truth, that struggle for daily bread, equally in
peace and war, is an eternal battle against thousands upon thousands of resistances, just as life itself is an eternal
struggle against death. For men know as little why they live as does any other creature of the world. Only life is
filled with the longing to preserve itself. The most primitive creature knows only the instinct of the self
preservation of its own, in creatures standing higher in the scale it is transferred to wife and child, and in those
standing still higher to the entire species. While, apparently, man often surrenders his own instinct of self
preservation for the sake of the species, in truth he nevertheless serves it to the highest degree. For not seldom
the preservation of the life of a whole Folk, and with this of the individual, lies only in this renunciation by the
individual. Hence the sudden courage of a mother in the defence of her young and the heroism of a man in the
defence of his Folk. The two powerful life instincts, hunger and love, correspond to the greatness of the instinct
for self preservation. While the appeasement of eternal hunger guarantees self preservation, the satisfaction of
love assures the continuance of the race. In truth these two drives are the rulers of life. And even though the
fleshless aesthete may lodge a thousand protests against such an assertion, the fact of his own existence is
already a refutation of his protest. Nothing that is made of flesh and blood can escape the laws which
determined its coming into being. As soon as the human mind believes itself to be superior to them, it destroys
that real substance which is the bearer of the mind.
What, however, applies to individual man also applies to nations. A nation is only a multitude of more or less
similar individual beings. Its strength lies in the value of the individual beings forming it as such, and in the
character and the extent of the sameness of these values. The same laws which determine the life of the
individual, and to which he is subject, are therefore also valid for the Folk. Self preservation and continuance
are the great urges underlying all action, as long as such a body can still claim to be healthy. Therefore, even the
consequences of these general laws of life will be similar among Folks, as they are among individuals
If, for every creature on this Earth, the instinct of self preservation, in its twin goals of self maintenance and
continuance, exhibits the most elementary power, nevertheless the possibility of satisfaction is limited, so the
logical consequence of this is a struggle in all its forms for the possibility of maintaining this life, that is, the
satisfaction of the instinct for self preservation.
Countless are the species of all the Earth's organisms, unlimited at any moment in individuals is their instinct
for self preservation as well as the longing for continuance, yet the space in which the whole life process takes
place is limited. The struggle for existence and continuance in life waged by billions upon billions of organisms
takes place on the surface of an exactly measured sphere. The compulsion to engage in the struggle for
existence lies in the limitation of the living space; but in the life struggle for this living space lies also the basis
for evolution
Review of Mein Kampf by Adolf Hitler by George Orwell
It is a sign of the speed at which events are moving that Hurst and Blackett's unexpurgated edition of Mein Kampf, published only a year ago, is edited from a pro-Hitler angle. The obvious intention of the translator's preface and notes is to tone down the book's ferocity and present Hitler in as kindly a light as possible. For at that date Hitler was still respectable. He had crushed the German labour movement, and for that the property-owning classes were willing to forgive him almost anything. Both Left and Right concurred in the very shallow notion that National Socialism was merely a version of Conservatism.
Then suddenly it turned out that Hitler was not respectable after all. As one result of this, Hurst and Blackett's edition was reissued in a new jacket explaining that all profits would be devoted to the Red Cross. Nevertheless, simply on the internal evidence of Mein Kampf, it is difficult to believe that any real change has taken place in Hitler's aims and opinions. When one compares his utterances of a year or so ago with those made fifteen years earlier, a thing that strikes one is the rigidity of his mind, the way in which his world-view doesn't develop. It is the fixed vision of a monomaniac and not likely to be much affected by the temporary manoeuvres of power politics. Probably, in Hitler's own mind, the Russo-German Pact represents no more than an alteration of time-table. The plan laid down in Mein Kampf was to smash Russia first, with the implied intention of smashing England afterwards. Now, as it has turned out, England has got to be dealt with first, because Russia was the more easily bribed of the two. But Russia's turn will come when England is out of the picture—that, no doubt, is how Hitler sees it. Whether it will turn out that way is of course a different question.
Suppose that Hitler's programme could be put into effect. What he envisages, a hundred years hence, is a continuous state of 250 million Germans with plenty of "living room" (i.e. stretching to Afghanistan or thereabouts), a horrible brainless empire in which, essentially, nothing ever happens except the training of young men for war and the endless breeding of fresh cannon-fodder. How was it that he was able to put this monstrous vision across? It is easy to say that at one stage of his career he was financed by the heavy industrialists, who saw in him the man who would smash the Socialists and Communists. They would not have backed him, however, if he had not talked a great movement into existence already. Again, the situation in Germany, with its seven million unemployed, was obviously favourable for demagogues. But Hitler could not have succeeded against his many rivals if it had not been for the attraction of his own personality, which one can feel even in the clumsy writing of Mein Kampf, and which is no doubt overwhelming when one hears his speeches...The fact is that there is something deeply appealing about him. One feels it again when one sees his photographs—and I recommend especially the photograph at the beginning of Hurst and Blackett's edition, which shows Hitler in his early Brownshirt days. It is a pathetic, dog-like face, the face of a man suffering under intolerable wrongs. In a rather more manly way it reproduces the expression of innumerable pictures of Christ crucified, and there is little doubt that that is how Hitler sees himself. The initial, personal cause of his grievance against the universe can only be guessed at; but at any rate the grievance is here. He is the martyr, the victim, Prometheus chained to the rock, the self-sacrificing hero who fights single-handed against impossible odds. If he were killing a mouse he would know how to make it seem like a dragon. One feels, as with Napoleon, that he is fighting against destiny, that he can't win, and yet that he somehow deserves to. The attraction of such a pose is of course enormous; half the films that one sees turn upon some such theme.
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